Remains of Democracy and Pedagogical Opportunities in Post-Pandemic.

The present investigation has the objective of analyzing the challenges of democracy and the pedagogical opportunities in the post-pandemic. It is a bibliographical study of a diachronic nature, from the deductive rationalist approach. Consider the sociocultural and pedagogical contexts before, during and after the health pandemic caused by COVID-19;attending to the social restrictions that accompany the health emergency. It is about taking advantage of opportunities to guarantee useful instruction, to the extent that it guarantees decent and equitable human conditions. Thus, it underlines the ethical co-responsibility as a strength of the instruction plans, since it legitimizes the actions in the recognition of the dignified condition. Limitations become advantages when coexistence is based on equitable relationships;always aimed at evidencing democratic, plural, fair coexistence. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR] La presente investigación tiene el objetivo de analizar los retos de la democracia y las oportunidades pedagógicas en postpandemia. Es un estudio bibliográfico de carácter diacrónico, desde el enfoque racionalista deductivo. Considera los contextos socioculturales y pedagógicos previos, durante y posteriores a la pandemia sanitaria causada por COVID- 19;atendiendo las restricciones sociales que acompañan la emergencia sanitaria. Se trata de aprovechar las oportunidades para garantizar instrucción útil, en la medida que garantiza condiciones humanas dignas y equitativas. Así, subraya la corresponsabilidad ética como fortaleza de los planes de instrucción, toda vez que legitima las acciones en el reconocimiento de la condición digna. Las limitantes se convierten en ventajas cuando las coexistencias se sustentan en relaciones equitativas;siempre encaminadas a evidenciar convivencias democráticas, plurales, justas. (Spanish) [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Revista de Filosofía is the property of Revista de Filosofia-Universidad del Zulia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Educación ciudadana en el confinamiento sanitario por la COVID-19 en el Perú

El objetivo del artículo fue analizar la educación ciudadana y su incidencia en el confinamiento sanitario partir de las experiencias vividas en el contexto de la COVID-19 en el territorio peruano. Se hizo una revisión sistemática de artículos científicos seleccionados de diferentes bases de datos de impacto, entre el 2015 y 2020 de los cuales se eligieron 61 artículos. Se concluye que hubo consenso que la educación ciudadana es el eje fundamental para el sostenimiento de la democracia, el estado de derecho, la salud y la economía sostenible, por tanto, se requiere del desarrollo de estrategias pedagógicas en la educación básica y superior, las cuales permitirán que, desde los primeros años, las personas desarrollen empatía, fortalezcan en la educación superior el desarrollo de habilidades blandas, conocimiento de derechos y deberes ciudadanos y calidad de vida.Alternate : The objective of the article was to analyze citizen education and its impact on sanitary confinement from the experiences lived in the context of COVID-19 in the Peruvian territory. A systematic review was made of scientific articles selected from different impact databases, between 2015 and 2020 from which 61 articles chosen. It concluded that there was consensus that citizenship education is the fundamental axis for sustaining democracy, the rule of law, health and sustainable economy, therefore. It requires the development of pedagogical strategies in basic and higher education, which will allow, from the early years, people to develop empathy, strengthen in higher education the development of soft skills, knowledge of rights and duties of citizenship and quality of life.

Observing Caribbean Elections During the Pandemic: Challenges and Best Practices

This paper examines how the practice of international election observation in the Commonwealth Caribbean was affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many countries were faced with the decision on whether to conduct or delay elections during the pandemic. Between March 2020 and June 2022, 10 out of 12 Commonwealth Caribbean countries held elections. All these countries, except for Barbados, have had their elections observed by at least one regional or international organization during the last two decades. The closure of borders and the various quarantine requirements had practical implications for maintaining this trend during the pandemic. Most countries that regularly invite international observers did not have their pandemic held elections observed. This paper considers the reasons for the absence of observers in some elections and explores the adjustments observer groups have had to make during the last two years. The discussion also explores how Caribbean countries were able to indicate their commitment to holding free and fair elections in the absence of observers. For the countries that had observers, the discussion examines how these missions navigated issues of cost, shorter invitation periods, challenges in international travel, the recruitment of suitable observers and local pandemic protocols and conditions. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR]

Enhancing solidarity among Europeans: Toward a political reappraisal of the EU and its citizenship

Related Articles In recent years, the EU's ability to mobilize European citizens in its favor and counteract such phenomena as nationalism, populism, and “sovereignism” has significantly decreased. Consequently, the suggestion has been made that the EU's social dimension should be enhanced and its citizenship be made more salient in that regard. Such a suggestion has become even more topical after the COVID‐19 outbreak and the strain it has placed on the health‐care systems and economies of EU member states. Starting from a debate which addresses that suggestion, in this article I argue that, before attempting to enhance its social dimension, the EU should first try to strengthen its still weak political foundations in order to cope with its predicament. The article also shows that this move would be consistent with the rationale behind the European integration process, where economic issues were originally regarded as only means to achieve an ever‐closer political union.Barrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. “Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe.” Politics & Policy 49(4): 824–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12423.Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. “Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany.” Politics & Policy 49(4): 891–912. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12421.McBeth, Mark K., Donna L. Lybecker, and Kacee A. Garner. 2010. “The Story of Good Citizenship: Framing Public Policy in the Context of Duty‐Based versus Engaged Citizenship.” Politics & Policy 38(1): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00226.x. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR] Mejorar la solidaridad entre los europeos: hacia una reevaluación política de la UE y su ciudadanía En los últimos años, la capacidad de la UE para movilizar a los ciudadanos europeos a su favor y contrarrestar fenómenos como el nacionalismo, el populismo y el “soberanismo” ha disminuido significativamente. En consecuencia, se ha sugerido que se mejore la dimensión social de la UE y que su ciudadanía se haga más prominente en ese sentido. Tal sugerencia se ha vuelto aún más actual después del brote de COVID‐19 y la presión que ha ejercido sobre los sistemas de salud y las economías de los estados miembros de la UE. Partiendo de un debate que aborda esa sugerencia, en este artículo sostengo que antes de intentar mejorar su dimensión social, la UE primero debería tratar de fortalecer sus bases políticas aún débiles para hacer frente a su predicamento. El artículo también muestra que esta medida sería coherente con la lógica detrás del proceso de integración europea, donde los asuntos económicos se consideraron originalmente como el único medio para lograr una unión política cada vez más estrecha. (Spanish) [ FROM AUTHOR] 加强欧洲人之间的团结:对欧盟及其公民身份进行政治重估 近年来，欧盟在动员欧洲公民的支持，并抵制民族主义、民粹主义和“主权主义”等现象方面的能力明显下降。因此，有人建议加强欧盟的社会维度，并在这方面使其公民身份更加突出。在新冠疫情爆发及其对欧盟成员国的医疗保健系统和经济造成压力之后，这样的建议变得更加热门。以针对该建议的辩论为出发点，我论证认为，在试图增强其社会维度之前，欧盟应首先尝试加强其仍然薄弱的政治基础，以应对其困境。本文还表明，这一举措与欧洲一体化进程背后的基本原理是一致的，在欧洲一体化进程中，经济问题最初被视为实现更紧密的政治联盟的唯一手段。 (Chinese) [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Covid-19 y la percepción ciudadana del gobierno

Este artículo presenta los resultados de un ejercicio estadístico de correlación, con datos de 77 países, entre el impacto de la pandemia del Covid-19 e indicadores que recogen la percepción ciudadana acerca del gobierno en tres ámbitos concretos: confianza en sus instituciones, nivel de corrupción de sus autoridades y características de la democracia y del régimen político. Para ello, se utilizó información de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores y de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. Los hallazgos del estudio, por fuerza provisionales, apuntan a que la gravedad de la pandemia es menor en aquellos países donde hay más confianza en el gobierno, menor corrupción y un régimen político más democrático. Alternate : This paper shows the results of an empirical study, with data from 77 countries, about correlation between the COVID-19 pandemic and citizen perception about government in three specific fields: trust in its institutions, level of corruption, and democracy. With data from World Values Survey and World Health Organization, the study find that pandemic is less bad in those societies with high level of confidence in government, less corruption, and a more democratic political regime.

Biopolítica, digitalización y porvenir democrático: por qué las gestiones de la COVID-19 confirman un paradigma tecnoeconómico

The management of covid-19 and the so-called "new normality" have brought with a timely debate of ideas about the future of sovereignty. Leaving aside hegemonic and neoliberal technophilia, this debate has generated two mutually exclusive approaches based on controversial statements by the philosopher Giorgio Agamben, namely: one that foresees an undemocratic horizon subject to new technologies and another that emphasizes the transversal character and contradictory of these. In this work, by appealing to the theory of techno-economic paradigms, I critically set out the main reasonings of the debate and I reflect on the future of democracy.Alternate : Las gestiones de la covid-19 y la llamada «nueva normalidad» han comportado un oportuno debate de ideas sobre el futuro de la soberanía. Dejando de lado la tecnofilia hegemónica y neoliberal, este debate ha generado dos planteamientos excluyentes entre sí a partir de unas controvertidas declaraciones del filósofo Giorgio Agamben, a saber: uno que prevé un horizonte antidemocrático sometido a las nuevas tecnologías y otro que enfatiza el carácter transversal y contradictorio de estas. En este trabajo, recurriendo a la teoría de los paradigmas tecnoeconómicos, expongo críticamente los principales razonamientos del debate y reflexiono sobre el porvenir de la democracia.

The (un)expected pandemic and its implications for the world of work / A (in)esperada pandemia e suas implicações para o mundo do trabalho / La pandemia (no)esperada y sus implicaciones para el mundo del trabajo

Resumo O novo coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 é capaz de evidenciar os limites impostos pelas políticas neoliberais vigentes há mais de 40 anos, explicitando as profundas desigualdades e fragilidades das sociedades capitalistas. Os países mais atingidos pela pandemia enfrentam as consequências de anos de políticas de austeridade que comprometeram seus sistemas públicos de saúde e suas capacidades de resposta neste momento. O objetivo do artigo é relacionar as análises econômicas e políticas sobre o neoliberalismo com os estudos recentes sobre a erosão das democracias, a ascensão da extrema-direita e de governos autoritários no mundo, incluindo o Brasil, com ênfase na constituição das subjetividades diante do chamado neoconservadorismo, e, a partir desta relação, analisar a pandemia da Covid-19 e algumas de suas implicações para o mundo do trabalho. Quanto aos procedimentos metodológicos, este artigo é produto de pesquisa bibliográfica e reflexão crítica realizada sobre diferenças e desigualdades na contemporaneidade.

Resumen El nuevo Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 es capaz de mostrar los límites impuestos por las políticas neoliberales vigentes desde hace más de 40 años, explicando las profundas desigualdades y debilidades de las sociedades capitalistas. Los países más afectados por la pandemia enfrentan las consecuencias de años de políticas de austeridad que han socavado sus sistemas de salud pública y su capacidad de respuesta en este momento. El objetivo del artículo es relacionar los análisis económicos y políticos del neoliberalismo con estudios recientes sobre la erosión de las democracias, el auge de la extrema derecha y los gobiernos autoritarios en el mundo, incluido Brasil, con énfasis en la constitución de subjetividades frente al neoconservadurismo y, a partir de esta relación, analizar la pandemia de Covid-19 y algunas de sus implicaciones para el mundo del trabajo. En cuanto a los procedimientos metodológicos, este artículo es producto de la investigación bibliográfica y la reflexión crítica realizada sobre las diferencias y desigualdades contemporáneas.

Abstract The new SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus is capable of showing the limits imposed by neoliberal policies in force for over 40 years, explaining the profound inequalities and fragilities of capitalist societies. The countries hardest hit by the pandemic face the consequences of years of austerity policies that have compromised their public health systems and, therefore, their response capacities at this time. The objective of the article is to relate the economic and political analysis of neoliberalism with recent studies on the erosion of democracies, the rise of the extreme right and authoritarian governments in the world, including Brazil, with an emphasis on the constitution of subjectivities in the face of the so-called neoconservatism. The article also aims to analyse, from this relationship, the Covid-19 pandemic and some of its implications for the world of work. As for methodological procedures, this article is the product of bibliographic research and critical reflection carried out on contemporary differences and inequalities.